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Indeed, Study 1 shows that different exchange situations, such as disproportional or balanced proportional situations, create perceptions of give-and-take on the basis of equity ratios. Study 2 shows that perceptions of justice are based more on communicatively accepted rules of interaction than equity-based evaluations, thereby offering a distinction between an attribution and an evaluation cognitive process for exchange outcomes.
Equity theory was introduced in the study of organizational settings to examine justice in the workplace environment Adams, , but was soon formulated as a general theory of interpersonal relationships Walster et al. It is part of a broader set of social exchange theories, which have been extensively applied in understanding workplace behavior, although their concepts are not strictly defined and articulated Cropanzano and Mitchell, Equity theory specifically argues that resources should be used in a way so that inputs and outcomes of an exchange process are proportional.
In this sense, equity ratios which can be perceived as ratios of outcomes to inputs or vice versa should be equal. The main reasoning behind this is that rational people would accept no other arrangement in their effort to maximize outcomes and manage their resources effectively see Walster et al. In fact, equity theory is strongly based on the instrumental rationality postulate and essentially argues that inputs and outcomes are the main determinants of the evaluation process of an exchange as just or unjust. In short, whatever brings about an agreement that is communicatively achieved can serve as a criterion for the evaluation of an exchange situation.
In fact, they can be treated as cognitive elements of a causal schema that processes how exchange outcomes are linked to exchange inputs. This causal schema could be derived from an implicit knowledge about the structure of the world, or more specifically about the nature of social interaction Kelley, Our purpose is to examine whether equity ratios in essence illustrate a relationship between cause and effect which is necessary to the cognitive process of the attribution of exchange outcomes, rather than to the cognitive process of the evaluation of the exchange; the latter process would serve the purpose of establishing the appropriate norm to the effected exchange and would often go beyond equity considerations.
We will further examine, consistent with the communicative rationality view of Habermas , whether justice is evaluated in terms of the rules that can elicit agreement of exchange participants. Attribution theory is concerned with the way in which people answer causal questions, i. Research in this field has remained diverse and its boundaries have never really been formalized Weiner, Few in this field, however, would argue against Heider who treated people as naive scientists that adopt principles to produce cause-effect relationships in a similar manner that a scientific system is formulated.
At the same time it is accepted that on a more practical level, people often employ causal schemas, that is, abstract ideas about the nature of causal factors, since they lack the motivation, the time, or the knowledge to make proper scientific evaluations Kelley, Our research is not the first to examine equity and attribution with regard to exchange outcomes. Hegtvedt et al. They found that the greater the perception of equity, the greater the attribution of outcomes to the self. However, they did not propose a cognitive mechanism for how equity is linked to the attributions, or when people view such a situation as an exchange.
To our knowledge, there has been no explicit reference regarding if and how equity ratios can be considered causal schemas for exchange outcomes. In a two—party interaction between A and B, one way the equity postulate can be portrayed is the following:. One of the problems that have been identified in equity theory is that inputs and outcomes are often difficult to distinguish empirically Cook and Parcel, Our proposal is to treat equity theory ratios as causal schemas where inputs are causes and outcomes are effects.
If there is no other factor such as other actors, chance etc. If we limit our analysis to positive influence, i. The above reasoning may be clarified through an example. Let us for a moment assume that there is no exchange and A performs a simple goal-directed action: She is making pancakes. Inputs include her effort, the cost of the ingredients, and the use of the oven, while the outcome includes the quality and quantity of the pancakes that A consumes.
Now, if B comes into the picture, he may eat part of the pancakes without offering any input or very little. In this case, the outcomes of A can only be attributed to the inputs of A and the outcomes of B to the inputs of B. This would be a proportional situation where no real exchange has taken place. B can also share his ingredients with A, collaborate with A and in the end share the pancakes in a proportional manner.
From the bulk of pancakes that both A and B made, we can attribute the existence of some pancakes to A and some to B, depending on the amount of their inputs, and deduce who has received from the other or, in general, whether an exchange has taken place. The inputs of A and B contribute to the final high outcome of A.
In the cases of high or medium input of B, one cannot easily infer the extent that the input of A contributed to the final high outcome indicated by the dotted arrows. Unless, that is, one knows more about the outcome of B. The case of exchange is too complicated to be depicted in a two-dimensional causal schema because it is not only the inputs that are taken into account, but also the outcomes of both parties.
Causal schema for compensatory causes in the form of Kelley It is also important to note that the current analysis is presented with slight but important differences compared to mainstream attribution analyses. Most psychological research is based on the dichotomy between internal and external attribution Hewstone, , often failing to distinguish among the different social objects: task, self, other, social unit Lawler, The social unit can be an exchange relationship, a network, or group.
Indeed an exchange relationship may offer an attractive explanation for an outcome Eberly et al. Understanding how and when people attribute outcomes to the other person in the context of an exchange relationship offers a more fine-grained explanation than the one offered by the usual internal-external dichotomy. Our reasoning and measures concerning attribution have been developed mostly to reflect an inter-individual or dyadic level of analysis Krasikova and LeBreton, ; Tse and Ashkanasy, than the usual intra-individual level of analysis for more about levels of analyses in social psychology see Doise, On a dyadic level, interactions are often assumed to be exchanges of resources such as love, information, or money Foa and Foa, but the case in which people actually treat interactions as exchanges is rarely examined.
When they perceive that it is not only their own actions or their own resources their own inputs that influence their outcomes, they partly attribute their outcomes to the inputs of other people. Proportionality or disproportionality i. Should there be proportionality though i. However, the above-mentioned rule of interaction may not be the only one involved. Equity rules are but few of a broader set of possible distributional rules that are used to evaluate justice.
Concerning the final distribution of outcomes, Deutsch argued that there are eleven different allocation rules that may lead to a fair outcome. These rules could be classified under three main categories: equity rules, equality rules, and need-based rules. Therefore, a result can be distributively fair if a outcomes are taken into account and found equal, b inputs are also taken into account and the ratios suggested by equity theory are found equal, or c needs are added in the equation and satisfied in a proportional manner.
Emphasis was placed on the fairness of the procedure and not necessarily that of the outcome and, thus, the concept of procedural justice was distinguished clearly from the concept of distributive justice. Another distinct concept is that of interactional justice see Bies and Moag, that focuses on the relationship of the parties and not on the outcome or the procedure.
So many are the possible rules and norms that are used to evaluate justice that it seems legitimate to argue that any type of rule can serve as a criterion for evaluating justice. For example, disproportional outcomes may be judged fairer in the context of positive relational ties Sherf and Venkataramani, or in case exchange participants are able to exercise autonomy in their task decisions Cropanzano and Folger, At the same time, people may evaluate justice on the basis of the information that they receive first Van den Bos et al.
Cross-cultural considerations, such as individualism-collectivism, may also play an important role in justice evaluations Chen et al. Hegtvedt and Johnson point out that equity theory assumes a single rule as legitimate without considering different aspects of legitimation. Habermas offers a conception of rationality, namely communicative rationality, which is quite different to the self-interested instrumental rationality that equity theory accepts.
It is useful to point out that empirical research can approach justice evaluations on the basis of agreement among participants in a discussion Kahn et al. This type of intersubjective validity often goes beyond the particular context, stands the test of a universal audience Perelman and Olbrechts-Tyteca, and is supported by reasons that establish the rightness of norms during discourse Habermas, Furthermore, every negotiation regarding an exchange can be viewed as an intersubjective process that validates the rights of negotiating parties Arvanitis and Karampatzos, , through the central role of agreement Arvanitis, Therefore, inputs and outcomes do not necessarily determine the way in which justice is evaluated, since the evaluation is based on the rules that elicit agreement during discourse rules that can go beyond equity.
The role of agreement has also been stressed in the realms of another social exchange theory, psychological contract theory Rousseau, Psychological contract theory accepts that it is agreement that creates obligations to uphold certain norms, although people may fail to share the same understanding concerning the terms of the exchange Dabos and Rousseau, In fact, psychological contract theory primarily investigates divergence of beliefs concerning the terms of interaction, studying, among others, how breach of a psychological contract is associated with feelings of violation Robinson and Morrison, The appropriateness of a norm regarding an exchange is often established on the basis of a synthesis of different and contradicting perceptions.
Habermas , argues that such synthesis is accomplished by means of agreement during reasoned discussion. Attribution research examines or involves the manipulation of the antecedents of attributions, but is not interested in consequences beyond the attributions themselves.
On the other hand, attributional research focuses more on the consequences of attribution in areas such as achievement or romantic love. What we find most interesting about this distinction is the attempt to dissociate the qualities of the attribution process itself from its consequences.
This is exactly what we intend to do in the context of this research. Our research relies on minimal context in order to examine basic reasoning processes. More specifically, we will examine whether equity theory ratios accurately reflect the attribution of outcomes and provide the basis of perceptions of receiving in interdependent situations. We will further examine perceptions of justice to see how people evaluate the situation, since equity theory holds an eminent position in the justice literature.
However, we will not include any aspect of communication between the hypothetical dyad of exchange participants.
Just by looking at the amount of inputs and outcomes of A and B and without further knowledge of their interaction as well as the presence of any third factors we would hypothesize that counterparts will be perceived either to have cooperated and proceeded with an exchange or to have proceeded individually on their own if inputs and outcomes were proportional. The case for cooperation would be more evident in the case that A and B contributed equally and had an equal share of the outcomes, because this type of situation would likely be the product of some sort of intentional exchange between A and B, instead of being some type of coincidence.
The role of intentions in attribution processes has been repeatedly stressed in attribution theories, especially correspondent inference theory Jones and Davis, Otherwise, a disproportional situation will lead to the perception as long as a third factor is non-existent that A has received from B or the opposite. Moreover, in the absence of any information concerning the normative rightness of potential rules, proportional situations will be perceived as fair, whereas disproportional situations as unfair.
Therefore, in proportional situations, counterparts would be perceived to receive equally from each other Hypothesis 1A. As long as there is no other rule governing the interaction, the situation will be deemed just in cases of proportionality Hypothesis 1B. In cases of disproportionality though, one person will be perceived to receive from the other in a way consistent with the direction and the size of the disproportionality Hypothesis 2A.
As long as there is no other rule governing the interaction, the situation will be deemed unjust in cases of disproportionality Hypothesis 2B. Fifty four Participants were between 18 and 25 years old with a mean age of Participants were informed of the general purpose of the study and gave written consent, in line with the WMA declaration of Helsinki.
No deception concerning the purpose of the study was necessary. As the stories used in this study involved the evaluation of hypothetical third-party interactions, we anticipated minimal emotional involvement on the part of participants. The procedure was approved by the supervisory committee of the Ph. After completion, participants were thoroughly debriefed and excused.
Participants were given a booklet containing nine short hypothetical scenarios.
The basic scenario depicted A and B as business partners, and also presented their contribution to the company and their share of the profits. The course of the company is entirely in their hands. The stories were minimal and were pilot tested in a small sample of university students to check comprehension and potential involvement. A short introductory page stressed that the information given would be limited, but encouraged participants to imagine such exchange situations and estimate the level of receiving for the hypothetical exchange dyad.
Similar items were considered and dropped after the pilot study, after exhibiting very high correlations with the ones chosen, in an effort to minimize participant fatigue. Participants used a 7-point scale to indicate their agreement or disagreement with the items 7 for strong agreement , 1 for strong disagreement. We performed two separate analyses designed to test our hypotheses concerning the effects of proportionality Hypothesis 1A and disproportionality Hypothesis 2A on perceptions of receiving.